Visit in response. How Putin helps these Jinping to build a "Chinese Dream"

And the Kremlin's rhetoric on the causes of war in Ukraine echoes NATO's narratives in the Asian-Pacific region. Many are just beginning to notice the close interaction of Russia and China, discussing it as an unexpected new phenomenon in world affairs. In fact, there is nothing new here, writes Doctor of Science at Gentric University The sense of Hofstede in his article, which was translated by Focus.

According to my research, these two countries have been the most important diplomatic partners since 2002. Throughout this period, Russia has played a central role in the construction of China of an alternative world order. Based on structured information on incoming and outgoing diplomatic visits published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, I created a database covering the periods of the HU Jintao (2002-2012) and Si Jinping (2012-present).

The most obvious conclusion for me was the dominance of Chinese-Russian contacts, the dynamics of which are visible in the graph below. This habit of intensive interaction has been preserved for decades after a full -scale invasion of Russia into Ukraine in February 2022. The equally gloomy view of Beijing and Moscow, the international order, could hardly change several trips of impatient European ministers to China or a couple of ill -advised US concessions.

The close nature of the links between the presidents is obvious. Even outside the database covered period, since 1999, a state visit has taken place every year in one direction or another. Since his admission to Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2000, the Russian president attended China on a state visit every even year, and every odd year the Chinese president attended Russia.

The exception is an additional visit to Moscow in 2015, which is officially called simply "visit" to the Victory Parade in the Great Patriotic War. And during the Covid-19 pandemic there were no visits at all. Both Hu and Xi made their first foreign visit as the President to Moscow. No other country has such developed diplomatic relations with China. Russia became the main destination during the presidential terms Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping.

In addition, the Russian Federation was the main source of entrance visits during two presidential terms; It ranked second or third in the first two of the SI terms and during its current third term. Few foreign officials headed the delegations to China as often as Putin and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. My data shows that Russia was the most important diplomatic partner of China throughout the term of the reign of Hu and SI.

Analysts have the right to indicate the personal relationship of SI and Putin, which include phone calls. However, empirical data show that the interaction was equally intense during the stay of Dmitry Medvedev by the President of Russia, and for the alleged less hard -worker of the HU. In addition to diplomatic visits, Russia is fundamental to Beijing's alternative world order.

She has always been an important member of international associations that Beijing began to create in the 1990s, including a meeting on cooperation and trust measures in Asia and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Over the years, China's views on international order have acquired more global coverage. Starting from the East Asian Summit and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, China now affects the whole world, through unification such as Brix+.

Russia has always been nearby, often supporting Beijing's initiatives. Now this expanding coverage has reached Europe. China's long -term decision on war in Ukraine, which he still stubbornly calls the "Ukrainian crisis", coincides with the main points of the Russian idea of ​​regional order. Within a few days after February 24, 2022, China Van's Foreign Minister presented "five points" that called for the creation of a "balanced, efficient and stable European security mechanism".

Van connected the "complex historical context of" conflict with "the principle of indivisible security". This idea of ​​the Cold War has become a phrase that was originally used by the Soviet Union, and now Russia, claiming that NATO enlargement encroaches on its sovereignty. Chinese officials of 2022 have also repeatedly called the US Indo-Pacific Policy "NATO's presence in the Asia-Pacific", which risks leading to the same "catastrophe" that NATO allegedly arranged in Europe.

At his press conference, after the Parliament's meeting in Beijing, Van said that no third party could influence the friendly relations between China and Russia. The data confirms his words. These relationships are at the heart of China's ambitions on the conquest of the world. Despite the huge historical differences between the Chinese-Soviet split and the present, data show that the practical situation remains stable and predictable.

Since February 2022, China's diplomatic contacts with Russia have not increased quantitatively and have not decreased. On the contrary, my data shows that after 2014, diplomatic interaction between China and Ukraine has declined. Xi Jinine, who called President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky only once, said Putin during his last state visit in 2023 that Russia and China make "changes unprecedented in a hundred years", which he connects with his "Chinese Dream".

In the world of Si and Putin, there may be a place for Donald Trump. But it does not have a place of international order based on the rules that many other countries need. Western capitals and Washington observers need to understand that it is not a whim; Russia invariably remains the most important diplomatic partner of China. The sense of Hofstede - Doctor of Science, researcher of the Reconnect China program at Gentric University.